
Class H^^Q 



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A SEIIMON 



present flalioiial f roubles, 



DKLIVEllKD IN TIIK 



WINTER STRliET CHURCH, 



JJ^1STTJA.TI-^ 4, isei, 



TPTE DAY OF THE NATIONAL FAST. 



BY JOHN 0. FISKE, 

PASTOR OF WINTER STREET CHURCH, BATH, ME. 



tf 






BATH: 

PRINTED AT THE DAILY TIMES OFFICE. 

1861. 



en 



A SERMON 



ON TUB 






IPresciit IJntioital CroiiHes, 



DELIVERED IN TIIK 



WINTER STREET CHURCH, 



J-A.lSrTJ.A.I?,"5r 4, 1861, 



THE DAY OF THE NATIONAL FAST. 



BY JOHN 0. FISKE, 

I'ASTOR OF WINTER STREET CHURCH, BATH, MB. 



BATH: 

PRINTED AT THE DAILY TIMES OFFICE. 
1861. 






Bath, January 9th, 1861. 
Rev. John 0. Fiske: 

Dear Sir : — The undersigned, having listened with much interest to the sermon 
delivered by you in Winter Street Church, on the occasion of the recent National Fast, and be- 
lieving that its general circulation would do much to allay the prejudices of the day, and to 
promote the cause of conciliation and peace at the present time, when the stability of the Union 
itself is imperilled, and our wisest statesmen stand aghast at the fearful prospect, would respect- 
fully request you to furnish a copy of the same for publication. 

Very respectfully, yours, &c., 
J. DRUMMOND, JOHN PATTEN, JAMES F. PATTEN, 

H. W. FIELD, T. O. STOCKBRIDGE, GEORGE F. PATTEN, 

DAVID T. PERCY, REUBEN SAWYER, THOMAS G. KNIGHT, 

THOMAS HARWAED, S. J. WATSON, N. C. A. JENKS, 

F. CLARK, G. TRUFANT, JAMES OLIVER. 



Bath, January 12th, 1861. 

Gentlemen -. — I am happy to learn that the sermon which I preached on the day of the Na- 
tional Fast in your opinion is adapted, in some measure, to answer the purpose for which it was 
prepared. There has been much written of late years in regard to the propriety of the discus- 
sions of the pulpit having any bearing on political affairs. I do not see how the general princi- 
ple can be properly denied that ministers of the gospel must decide for themselves, subject to 
their responsibility to God, what subjects they shall treat, and in what manner and to what ex- 
tent they shall present them. The only line of division which can be drawn between right and 
wrong preachipj on these subjects, is the line which discretion, prudence and a large-hearted 
charity for a'l men would draw. That some have erred in regard to these matters, there can be 
no reasonah e doubt. Whether I have or not must be submitted to the public. The day itself 
forced upon our consideration one single topic— our national troubles. It would have been im- 
pertinent to preach upon anything else. I have endeavored to do so in that spirit of concilia- 
tion, which, happily, is now characterizing the leading and best men of all parties, in all parts of 
the nation. May He " that maketh men to be of one mind in an house," deliver us fiom " un- 
reasonable and wicked men." whether found in one part of the land or the other, and perpetuate 
our free institutions and the Union of all our States, for many generations. 

If this sermon can be of any service in this gloomy hour for our country, it is very cheerfully 

submitted to your disposal. 

With sentiments of high regard. 

Very gratefully youri, 

JOHN 0. FISKE. 

To Messrs. J. Drummond, H. W. Field, David T. Percy, Thomas Harward, F. Clark, John Pat- 
ten, and others. 



-tr^ .■^ « *7 / 



SERMOIsT. 



Joel ii : 2. A day of darknesa and of gloomiDess, a day of olouda and of thick darkness, as 
the morning spread upon the mountains. 

In these striking words the prophet describes a dark and desolating 
day that had come upon the favored land of Judah As the morning 
comes on, lighting up the mountains, suddenly and irresistibly proclaim- 
ing its advent to all the earth, so with this period of disaster and sorrow. 

A similar unfavorable day has come to our own beloved land. For 
the most part, indeed, we have had abundant harvests ; no mighty foreign 
power has invaded us ; no desolating epidemic has been mowing down 
our thousands ; the channels of commerce and of trade, until of late, 
have been full ; and yet now by the voice of the chief magistrate, all 
parts of our country are called to fasting and prayer to Almighty God 
for aid when help seems to fail us in all other quarters. 

I confess myself very incompetept to speak as the proprieties of the 
occasion demand. I am not acquainted with great matters of political 
interest, as I am with those of a theological and biblical character ; and 
although I entertain opinions in regard to the causes of our troubles and 
their cure, yet I feel myself unable to throw any new light upon subjects 
upon which the profoundest thoughts of millions of our countrymen have- 
been turned, and concerning which so many of our ablest and wisest men 
have spoken ; and yet, after all, there is great division of opinion in re- 
gard to them. 

You have all the sources of information open to you which I have, and 
many of you doubtless are more competent to form correct opinions on 
these subjects than I am. I have no revelation from God to communi- 
cate in regard to measures of party politics, but must confine myself to a 
few general principles and statements, which, after all, every one must 
apply for himself. These are times of high party excitement ; and witli 
the utmost care, a minister, on such an occasion as this, may fear that he 
will offend some, and perhaps permanently benefit none. Still, as one 



4 



humble citizen among many in all our vast republic, and as a CliristiaFA 
minister, it seems to devolve upon me, in God's providence, to ask your 
attention to-day to some thoughts concerning our national troubles. And 
although the task is a difl&cult and delicate one, I will not shrink from 
what seems to be duty from any apprehension of evil consequences. I 
have often thrown myself on your kindness and candor for a fair hearing, 
and you have never failed me. And so, with God's help, I feel it my 
duty to try again. 

First. What are some of our present national troubles ? 

In the first place, then, among the cii'cumstances which go to make 
this a very grave and solemn crisis, — 

1. Is the fact of secession and much angry and embittered feeling in 
the southern part of our land. One State, — perhaps two, — has already 
declared herself as no longer a part of our Union, and there is serious 
reason to fear that within a short time a large number of others will de- 
the same. Property, arsenals, forts, a pubhc vessel, and military sup- 
plies of the general government have been seized ; large companies of 
soldiers are in arms ready for actual conflict ; the spirit of disunion and 
disaffection seems to spread. A determination appears to exist never 
again to return to harmony and peace, except upon such conditions of 
conciliation and compromise as multitudes at the North are wholly un- 
willing to grant; and I may add, that many very unreasonable and ex- 
travagant demands of the kind are ipade, to which the majority of our 
people will not yield. A very general suspiciousness exists in regard to 
citizens from this part of the country ; and doubtless much harsh and un- 
just treatment may have been inflicted upon some of them. The con- 
sciences of the North, and the eonsciences of the South alike are aroused 
in the conflict. Each party quotes the solemn authority of God's Word 
as indubitably favoring its own view, furnishing for the threatening con- 
flict all that peculiar and unrelenting bloodiness and bitterness which 
have always characterized religious wars. The South regards the North 
as led on by the demon of infidelity : the North regards the South as 
married to the still more horrid monster of slavery. In former years one 
single State only, and but a portion of that, has been arrayed in opposi- 
tion to the general government, while other States all around, with the 
same institutions and interests to support, stood ready, sword in hand, to 
maintain the authority of our laws. Now, many States with great cai'- 
nestness appear to feel determined that coercion shall not be employed t^ 



bring back any seceding States to their duty. The business of secession 
has been entered upon in an unconstitutional manner, and with very 
much of haste. "While this state of feeling exists and increases at the 
South, every week there seems to be growing at the North a disposition 
to settle the complicated and irritating strife by a stern and .solenni appeal 
to the God of battles. 

At a former period there existed at the South a prevailing conviction 
of the moral and social evil nature of slavery, and a readiness to listen 
to any suggestions kindly offered as to the means of the removal of the 
system from their borders. I myself had, by years of residence there, 
abundant opportunity to know this. But the increased profitableness of 
slave-labor has doubtless jn-esented a strong argument to the selfish prin- 
ciple against listening to any propositions whether for immediate or grad- 
ual emancipation ; while the bitterness and the heat with which the soutli- 
ern people have been assailed fi-om the North have contributed also very 
materially to close their minds and hearts against every species of per- 
suasion or argument ; and now the institution of slavery is comjjletely 
justified as one deserving to be perpetuated to all coming time, and ex- 
tended to every land. Wliilo even despotic Russia, and Holland and 
France and other civilized nations are hastening to emancipate all their 
subjects from the thraldom of chattel slavery, in the southern part of our 
country the institution seems to be in full favor, and large bodies of men 
desire even the re-establishment of the African slave trade. This surely 
is a dark picture for the South. But I must pass to remark, in the next 
place, as the second unhappy feature in this time of trouble, — 

2. That there have been great and unseriptural heat of temper and 
harshness of judgment and conduct here with regard to our southern 
brethren. We have upheld in the Senate and in the House of Repre- 
sentatives in Congress, men who have seemed to make it a study to be- 
rate and abuse, with every insulting and vilifying epithet, our Christian 
brethren at the South, denouncing them as '' barbarians, ^^ and in 
other harsh terms, — as though that would do any good ! In the 
speeches that have been made, and in the sermons that have been preached 
all over our part of the land, the harshest and most vituperative language 
has often been that which called out the loudest applause and the heart- 
iest amen. The foray of a wicked fanatic upon the territory of a slave 
State, called out from many of our people here a deep and ap- 
plauding synipatliy. When the wretched criminal met with his just dc- 



sei'ts u])on the gallows, bells were tolled in a number of our cities 
and towns, expressive of our sorrow. Large meetings were called to 
express sympathy for his family — a family that entirely justified his deed ! 
Eminent men pronounced his eulogy, and declared that "he was right." 
A learned and eloquent clergyman of our own denomination, in this State, 
in a sermon preached on the occasion of this raid, spoke thus : " The laws 
may make him a murderer, but his motives ivill canonize Mm as a saint 
and a hero I He was not a man thirsting for blood, but was supreme- 
ly bent on accomplishing a humane object in a humane manner .'" 

"And this is the man that was hung on Friday ! A man's instincts of 
piety and humanity leading him to do that for which the laws hang him ! 
Then the law, and piety and humanity must be somewhere in dreadful 
conflict with each other. It must be that we have something among us 
which we protect by law, fortify by legislation, and work the machinery 
of o-overnment to uphold, which piety, conscience and humanity condemn 
— which they pronounce accursed. What, then, has sacrificed this man's 
life, is wickedness sanctioned by law — crime made lawful — oppression 
and robbery taken under the protection of government, and made practi- 
cal virtues." " You cannot quash what I believe will be the verdict of this 
age and of all ages, that John Brown was a good man." 

So pleased were this gentleman's church and society with these senti- 
ments, that with a high compliment they asked and obtained a copy of 
the sei-mon for the press. And what this clergyman uttered, others also 
uttered. Orators here among us have produced a sort of convulsive 
shudder among their audiences, by telling them that by southern laws the 
negro is pronounced " a chattel / " carrying with their words the im- 
pression that God's image in the soul was by this legal phrase actu- 
ally quite obliterated, and his immortal soul as good as annihilated. Who 
can measure the indignation that has been aroused by the idea of thus 
annihilating immortal souls by the legislation of southern States ; though, 
after all, these " annihilated" souls are largely instructed fi-om week to 
week in the principles of the Christian rehgion ; are, many of them, we 
hope, going up to heaven every year ; and the deliberate murder of a 
slave by his master, if properly proved, is a crime punishable in many, if 
not all of the Southern States, with death ! 

We have been unwiUing to hear even the truth in extenuation of the 
institutions of our brethren at the South. Our anti-slavery principles have 
not been strong enough to bear more than one class oi facts. We have been 



afraid if we heard of any thing in favor of slavery, wc should not hate it bit- 
terly enough. An eminent clerg}^nian of New England, a few years ago pub- 
lished a book stating some foots which he himself saw, and gathered up at 
Savannah and vicinity. Nobody ever pretended to deny that the facts 
were as affirmed, and while the author of the book did not endorse the 
system of slavery as worthy of perpetuation and imitation, yet, for merely 
publishing in a very mild and quiet manner these undeniable /«c/s, show- 
ing tliat tlie blacks are not always under the whip, or on the rack or the 
burning coals, but do sometimes smile and appear happy, he was assailed 
with the coarsest and most unsparing vituperation, and largely lost the 
confidence even of his ministerial brethren in New England. Very glad- 
ly, if they could have done it, would they have erased his name from 
among the Publishing Committee of the great religious Tract Society 
established at New York, for no other reason than telling unpleasant 
truth. 

The sin and enoi-mity of slavery have been held up as if it were really 
the most horrid iniquity that affronts the face of the sun ; as if it were the 
chief of all the evils of which we have cause to repent, and as if there 
were no alleviating words that could be said in its behalf. We talk much 
of the awful violations of the law of marriage there, and are shocked at 
the unscriptural manner in which married people are often separated. 
But here at the North I need not say how licentiousness stalks abroad un- 
blushino; in our large cities. The laws also of all om- States, are in direct 
violation of the law of God on this very subject of the abrogation of the 
marriage contract, and yet we are not at all disturbed by it. Scores and 
huiulrods of divorces are granted every year by wicked human laws at the 
North, in the very face and eyes of God's Word, which allows of divorce 
for one cause only ; and nobody is troubled, because we are used to it, 
and bocau.se it is very convenient and desirable for us, we think, thus to 
trample on God's law ; but the want of a scriptural regard to the sacred- 
ness of the marriage contract at the South, is a dreadful affair ! The fact 
attested by all intelligent travellers, and by the most pious missionaries, 
that, as compared with the condition of the inhabitants of Africa in their 
own land, it has been vastly for their elevation and improvement that 
the colored people have become slaves in this country, goes for notliing. 
The fact that while they were all wretched, impenitent heathen in Africa, 
hundreds of thousands of them in this country are", it is hoped, true Chris- 
tians, goes for nothing. The fact that slaveholders and slaves were found 



In the cliurclies gathered by the Apostles of Christ, goes for nothing. 
Those holy men are represented as far behind the times ; and though they 
quietly ministered among slavebolding churches, trusting to the gradual 
operation of general principles to extirpate the evil of slavery from the 
world ; yet multitudes among us demand such a style of ministerial labor 
and ecclesiastical action in the slavebolding States, as has effectually shut 
them all up against the operations of one of the great missionary societies, 
and then all the evil is charged to slavery ! We set up a standard of 
purity on this subject far higher than was held by the Apostles themselves. 
The leading abolitionists among us, whose efforts have contributed so 
largely to give vitality to the modern anti-slavery enterprise, are undis- 
guised infidels, who oppose and attack the Bible and Christiaiiity persist- 
ently, because they see the Bible does not justify their notions of the in- 
herent wrong of slavery under all circumstances ; and yet this character of 
our pleased and earnest and applauding coadjutors does not at all embar- 
rass us, or awaken any suspicion that we are in the wi-ong. "We cannot 
ourselves tell what to do with the slaves. Very few among us would 
dare to recommend that they all should be immediately and uncondition- 
ally emancipated. We would not have them migrate and settle down in 
ail their ignorance and vice and dependence in our own towns and States, 
and yet we make it out as the great crime of the age that our brethren at 
the South are yet holding slaves. We have passed unconstitutional and 
irritating laws, to hinder our southern brethren fi-om obtaining again their 
fagitives from service ; and, I take it, in the deep heart of many of 
our northern ^jeople — certainly, not of all ; certainly, not of those who 
deny it — the real meaning of the groat election that has just occurred is, 
that this accursed system of slavery shall die. They mean to throw 
a cordon of fire around this infernal system, as they regard it, and utterly, 
and as soon as possible consume it from the earth. They do not mean to 
do this persuasively, but by all the mighty force of government. They 
mean to have what they call " free speech " inaugurated at the South as well 
as at the North, meaning by this, such a style of address as will inevitably 
brino- on serv'ile insurrection : and then, in the midst of all the bloodshed 
and misery among the blacks and whites, that will ensue, they are ready 
to exclaim, " See what awful evils the system of slavery has brought 
about ! We told you so, and you ought long ago to have set your negroes 
free !" Unwilling longer to rely on those mild, persuasive, moral meas- 
ures which alone can promote a good moral reform, many among us, — 



1 "by no ttieatis mean all of the dominant party,* — seem to bave determined 
to brino- our southern brotlircn into the practice of good morals by tlic 
power of the ballot-box. If tlicy will practice their iniquities for awhile 
at homo, there is a determination, Nvith many at least, to prevent their 
extending tliem anywhoi-c else ; and so, in due time, forcibly bring the 
whole business to an end. 

Another cloud whith contributes towards the tlarkness of the present 
times is,— ^ 

3. The intense selfishness and party spirit wliich prevail so exton^ 
sively in the political world. It would doubtless be too sweeping to say 
there are no exceptions to this ; but looked at, on the whole, is it not 
hard to know who among our public p<:)litical men are worthy of our 
trust? Is it not hard to gay who he is, who in the opinions he adopts, 
and in the m<>asurcs he pursues, is not actuated by a supreme desire to 
secure his own personal and party interests ? Our treasuries, National 
and State, seem to be regarded as fair objects of plunder, and the pre* 
vailing spirit all over the country is always to charge to the government 
a far larger price for services or supplies or property of any kind than is 
demanded or expected from any other quarter. When groat measures 
are proposed in Congress, instead of having the action upon them which 
the individual and conscientious judgments of our legislators and public 
officers would suggest, wo ham every reason to believe that a great 
part of them meanly ask, first of all, what will be their bearing on their 
party or themselves ! A good measure they will oppose and defeat "be^ 
cause it happens to originate with the other party, and would be likcly 
to bring to it some credit and advantage. Our legislators and executiA"C 
officers pander basely to the passing whims, caprices and excitements of 
the people. There is great reason to fear that some who have been \m- 
der oath to support our constitution and laws, have been treasonably 
plotting for their overthrow. Instead of standing up in opposition, even 
to their constituents, unselfishly, and with no hope of future political re- 
ward for it, as Mr. Burke did against his constituents in Bristol, and as 
some men in our own country have done, our public men, to a large extent, 
drift with what they think is, or they can mal-e to be, the popular current, 
whether good or bad. They do not look on subjects with the eyes of 
statesmen interested for the good of the whole country, but with the eyes 
of party. No bitterness of language is too great to apply to public offi- 
cers. As an instance of this, let me remind you how a few weeks ago 
2 



10 

the policy recommended by many presses and men of all parties and of 
no party to our present President, was to let the seceding States quietly 
go off without making any opposition ; and then when he, unwisely per- 
haps, adopted for a time this very policy, some of the same journals and 
men became loud and emphatic in denouncing the poltroonery and treas- 
on of such forbearance and concession ! 0, shall the time ever come with 
our men in high authority when they shall practically feel that they live 
to minister to others rather than to be ministered unto ! Shall the time 
ever come when our educated and intelligent men, instead of taking ad- 
vantage of popular prejudices and excitements to swell an already dan- 
gerous tide, in order by means of it to ride into places of power and 
profit, shall just honestly give their opinions and adopt their measures 
with a broad regard to the welfare of our whole land ! But while there 
is so little of this, — and I am not aware that one party has any advantage 
over any other in this respect, — is it not an alarming and gloomy time ? 
When supreme selfishness, instead of sound judgment and true patriot- 
ism, rules the hour, what will be the result ? 

Another element of the trouble of this exigent and solemn period is, — 
4. Extreme intolerance of individual opinion. Everybody must be 
made to think as the great mass do at the present moment ; or, at least, 
be wholly silent, or be crushed under the iron wheels of popular tyranny. 
Take it in the southern part of our country. Who beheves that intelli- 
gent and influential men there, who may happen to take a different view 
from the majority, of the course best to be adopted, have any true freedom 
to make their opinions and influence felt? Does not the present 
storm of popular fuiy bear away all before it, and cause an appearance 
of unanimity to be presented, which, in all probability, does not really 
exist? All their influence for doing good in every du:ection they must 
sacrifice unless they bow to the popular demands in this. Their property 
and their lives might be endangered by independence, as they would at 
once be regarded as disaffected persons, favoring the suhjugation 
of the South. Under these circumstances, is it strange that, as prudent 
men, they keep silence in so evil a time — in so mad an hour ? 

And we have seen much of this even among ourselves. Twenty-five 
years ago those who held and expressed what were regarded as extreme 
sentiments on the subject of slavery among ourselves were met sometimes 
with a storm of obloquy, and sometimes with personal violence. Presses 
were destroyed, and meetings were broken up or disturbed. The right 



11 



of petition was furiously denied, and the life of one of our noblest men — 
an ex-President — was sternly menaced on account of his advocacy of this 
right of petition on the floor of Congress. 

Then the intolerance passed along to he practiced by those who had 
themselves been the victims of it. When, for example, a particular form 
of law on the subject of temperance was popular with the masses in our 
own State, no purity nor holiness of character could shield any one from 
the most vulgar abuse, if he did not see as his fellow men did. Even the 
really good men who concurred with the masses in opinion, could do noth- 
ing to withstand this persecuting and vindictive spirit. All doubt about 
the supreme excellence and importance of a particular law was opposition 
to temperance and to God ; and such opposers were to be cried down, 
and bespattered with every vile name. 

And so on this subject of slavery. It made no difference that one de- 
clared himself opposed to it ; if he could not adopt and freely use just 
the epithets, and pursue just the course wliich seemed best to the major- 
ity, he was denounced and avoided and persecuted as mercenary, base, 
intensely selfish — utterly destitute of conscience and independence. Free- 
dom among us it has been attempted by many to make simply a freedom 
to think and act as the most violent and persecuting think and act. 

Now, this is a very dark and dangerous cloud. I know there is a li- 
centiousness and abusiveness of speech which ought to be suppressed. 
Men have no right to go into their neighbor's families or neighborhoods 
and counsel children to disobey parents, or the evil-minded to destroy 
property. This is illegal and wrong. Men have no right to influence 
the bad passions of the young or the old by obscene prints or statements. 
This also is all wrong. Men have not the rio-lit in usino; what is called 
by the holy name of "free speech" to pull down the institutions of their 
country. This also is flagrantly wicked. But while they keep within 
legal and decent limits — much more when they show that, on the whole, 
they are actuated by a truly Christian and benevolent spirit, there ^b'^uui 
be perfect kindness and fairness in listening to them, and in suffering 
them to express the views which they honestly entertain. But all men, 
even among us, are not yet sufficiently tolerant and liberal for that. 
Only that kind of speech which favors their views they think ought to be 
really free. It is a dark time, then, for our country, when there is so 
extensively the suppression of the opinion of many whose counsels and 
influence might be of value. 



12 

The leadino" feature of all in this day of gloominess and darkness is, — 
5. The imminent danger of the general dismemberment of these 
United States. I know there are those who tell us "only stand firm and 
there is no danger." They laugh at this Fast-day, and represent that all 
tlireats of secession mean nothing. They would have no concession, no 
compromise, but a steady going forward as they have gone. There are 
those who tell us these are the very days they have been hoping and pray- 
ing for long. They "feelgood" while the foundations of government 
rock, and aU departments of industry and business are in peril, and when 
our government at this very moment is obUged to pay twice the legal rate 
of interest to procure money for its necessary uses. But if the most 
trustworthy men in the nation can be believed, without some conciliatory 
measures and something decided in the way of accommodating abstract 
theories to the constitutional rights and privileges of a large portion of 
our fellow citizens, this government must be broken up, or maintained 
only by a bloody war, and the subjugated portion must then for the 
future be held as a conquered province. To what good ends, on the 
whole, a merciful Providence might overrule even the dismemberment of 
our country into two or more independent republics, we cannot tell. But 
as far as we can &ee, the results would be most deplorable. Our fall as 
a government would be a disaster to the human race. The enemies of free 
institutions would rejoice at the failure of this grandest attempt ever made 
by a great people to govern themselves, and the chains of despotism would 
be fastened more closely than ever on the necks of millions of mankind. 
"WTio would ever dare to proolaun the wisdom of a republican government 
again, if here in this land of the pilgrims, this land of Bibles and gen- 
eral education, it should now disastrously fail ? And let me say, if we 
begin to break up, nobody can tell where the process of division and of 
the impairing of our institutions will end. We shall then have introduced 
and adopted the principle for the first time in our history into our govern- 
ment that if any party at any time cannot obtain the gratification of all 
its desires, we must separate. Compromises must be renounced; and to 
what end might not subdivisions then go ? Where could any one of the 
remaining confederacies obtain any national credit if such principles 
are avowed, and the power of government to uphold its laws be denied ? 
What protection could our citizens have among other nations, when over 
each would wave only the miserable banner of some provincial confeder- 
acy ? To what exactions and insults would not our commerce be exposed 



13 

upon the high soas and among foRMgn nations? Where would be that 
mighty power in which we may now stand up anywliere in the earth and 
demand our rights ? And the various occasions for difficulty and strife be- 
tween different sections and indiviiluals of our land wliich may now be 
settled according to a fixed and recognized code of laws, in court, would 
before long be very likely to lead to the deadly arbitrament of war. And 
suppose fraternal war should ensue ; and our wisest statesmen have al- 
ways told us there cannot be a ^leaceable secession or disruption of 
our States. Burdened with taxes, our families shrouded in mourning for 
the dead, our industrial pursuits fearfully broken up, our foreign commerce 
destroyed, at the mercy of whatever successful military leader should claim 
to hold the government for himself, what would become of our great en- 
terprises of Christian benevolence and of every good cause ? With all 
the vices to which war gives such a luxuriant growth, with the Sabbath 
trampled under foot, with troops marching and passing through their pro- 
cesses of discipline on all days of the week aldie, as is almost unavoida- 
ble in war, what would be likely to become of the cause of Christ among 
us for a long time to come ? True, our brethren at the South might suf- 
fer even more. But would that be a proper source of pleasure, and 
would anything but political and social and religious disaster for a long 
time to come be likely to be the result ? 

Second, Whither now, let us inquire, in the second place, in these 
times of gloom, are we to look for relief and help ? 

1. To God in prayer. I hail with a solemn joy the recommendation 
of our President in this respect in this day of our need. It is nothing 
short of a cold, blank and cheerless Atheism, or frivolous thoughtlessness 
or base hypocrisy, that can sneer at such an appointment. Among all 
nations in time of peril, especially when other help seemed inadequate, 
recourse has always been had to God. Our own nation was establL-^hed 
in prayers. The foundations of our infant colonies were all laid in c;irnest 
supplications to God. When a comparatively feeble people, we placed 
ourselves in hostility to the mighty power of Great Britain, there was 
much of very earnest prayer ascending to God from all parts of the land 
for his aid, and it was heard by the "God of Sabaoth." Washington of- 
ten retired alone from the di.stracting tumult of the camp and the anxie- 
ties of the council-board, to pour out his troubled heart to God in j)rayer : 
and God, who saw the great commander in secret, himself rewarded him 
openly. And do we not need God's aid now ? Is not the disease too 



14 

great to admit of cure except by Almighty skill? Have not all plans of 
reconciliation and adjustment hitherto failed, and is not the hour of bloody 
strife apparently approaching every day ? Would we see angry feeling 
allayed? remember then how Jacob plead all night in prayer at the brook, 
as Esau, in anger, was approaching him with an armed band of four hun- 
dred men to cut him off. That was a memorable, painful night, but the 
morning's dawn brought to him a brother melted in tears of reconciliation 
and love. God can allay excited feelings, and spread fiir and wide the 
spirit of peace. When Hezekiah spread out the blasphemous letter of the 
King of Assyria before God, and made his earnest supplication to the 
God of heaven, his own prayer, and that of others of the pious, was 
heard, and the Angel of the Lord went forth and smote in the camp of 
the Assyrians in one night a hundred and eighty-five thousand men. 
Do we need wisdom to counsel us on what righteous and equitable terms 
to settle all our occasions of trouble ? "Wisdom and might are His. 
He revealeth the deep and secret things : He knoweth what is in the 
darkness, and the light dwelleth with Him. He giveth wisdom unto the 
wise, and knowledge to them that know understanding." When Daniel 
and his companions desired mercies of the God of heaven concerning the 
secret dream of the King, the answer was graciously given to their im- 
portunate prayers. The same Almighty and merciful Euler can give 
wisdom to our people in all parts of the land in answer to the prayers wo 
offer to-day. A spirit of greater kindness may thus begin to prevail and 
God vindicate his ancient promise, "I said not to the seed of Jacob, 
seek ye me in vain." 

But with proper prayer there must always be joined the use of all sui- 
table means of bringing about a desired result which are within our 
power. In the second place, then, — 

2. We must adopt milder methods of discussing and treating grave 
and delicate affairs of national interest. It is very obvious that a less 
headstrong, violent and vindictive policy ought to prevail at the South. 
They have unconstitutional laws, perhaps, which they ought to repeal, 
and very much of pride and indiscriminate prejudice and wrath, which 
they ought to abate. And is not this also true of us ? Are there not 
with us also sins against the Lord our God, or are all our prayers this 
day to be offered that God "would give repentance to those hardened 
"wretches" at the South? No, no; tee have sins to deplore and to put 
away. If you should enter into a close business partnership with a gen- 



16 

tloman, and at the time ■were known to have difforent religious opinions 
from Ills, and another private branch of busine>'s of your own, in wliich he 
did not share, but to which he gave his consent, would he have a right by 
every odious epithet and argument and scrap of information, to load you 
with reproach, and to bring down in the heaviest possible manner, 
public scorn and indignation upon you? How long would you con- 
tinue a member of sucli a partnership as that, if such a course were 
pursued ? If wo think the religious opinions or moral practices of any 
partner of ours erroneous or somewhat sinful, it would doubtless be proper 
for us in courteous and respectful terms, as long as we could secure a 
friendly hearing, to converse with him upon them, and it would be his 
duty, kindly and candidly, to listen to such kind and respectful addresses. 
If he were disposed in an imi)ertinent and obtrusive manner, to attempt 
to inoculate the minds of our children with his bad notions, or to set up 
his practices in our own private house, we ought, I think, very decidedly 
to object. But as long as we profe><s to be willing to live in friendly 
partnership with him, and resolutely hold him to continue to be a partner 
with us, we should be bound to treat the opinions and practices of his to 
which we gave our assent in the outf^ct, with kindness and respect. No 
partner would be willing to live with another on any other terms. Nor 
ought he. If, however, he desired to carry on his operations more wide- 
ly than was originally intended and agreed, perhaps we might justly ob- 
ject, if only we did it in a spirit of mildness, and kindness and respect. 
We might profess that this additional business would too much occupy 
his time, or in some other way injuriously affect the common business. 
But we should have no right thus to oppose him on the ground that his bu- 
siness was so malignantly, inherently bad, that our Christian conscience 
could not, in the least and in any case, tolerate its extension. We 
might oppose its extension on grounds of policy or interest, or as not be- 
ing right for him, but we should have no right to denounce its extension 
as a thing necessarily sinful in itself to us. For if its extension is, in 
all circumstances, sinful, so is its existence within its present limits sinfiil. 
And if it is wrong, morally, for us to consent, in any conceivable case, 
to its extension, it is morally wrong for us to consent to its existence at 
all. But if we may, with a pure conscience, on suflBcient grounds of 
expediency, consent to it as existing in one place, as for as conscience is 
concerned, reasons may exist sufficient to justify our consent to its ex- 
istence elsewhere. The principles then of this discourse do not unavoid- 



16 

Qbly conflict with tlie avowed platforms of any political party. 1 confine 
Inyself strictly to the spirit and motives and grounds on -wliich all our 
political discussions and conduct ought to proceed. I do not stand here 
to tell any man horo he ought to vote, but to remind all on what general 
principles they ought to act. 

But, if we would favorably influence and improve the character of our 
■partner, how long ought we to be in learning that we must avoid the lan» 
guage of denunciation and severity and bitterness? Can we reform men 
by compulsion, and by sternly cursing them? Would yof( be reformed 
into good morals under any such bullying and denunciatory process as 
this ? If the spirit and manner of kindness prevailed j if it were not man- 
ifest in our clenched fists, in our burning faces, and in our husky notes 
of defiance, that we feel that our southern brethren are committing a ter» 
rible iniquity, which we are determined to force them to renounce, I do 
not believe mere opposition to the extension of slavery on the grounds of 
policy alone, or on moral grounds in friendly terms, would ever involve 
our country in serious trouble. 

3. We must exercise largely the spirit of concession and compromise 
in the adjustment of our affairs. In that spirit the foundations of our 
government were laid, and by compromise and concession avc have been 
brought out of every serious trouble hitherto. Our fathers were not in 
favor of the perpetuation of slavery, and yet consented to its continuance 
and protection where it is. They consented to restore to their masters any 
fugitives from service who might escape— a consent not wholly agreea- 
ble, yet indispensable to their laying the foundations of the best po* 
litical institutions that ever blessed the earth. But within a few years 
the very words compromise and concession have been to some extent 
among us terms of ignominy and reproach. AU that we hear from 
many is a senseless, passionate cry of ''■duty, duty, no compromise, ^^ — ■ 
as though our duty might not and does not often call us to comjiro- 
mise ; as though duty does not sometimes call us to be silent, and to 
■withhold the expression of opinions and exertions which abstractly it 
might be very proper to express and to put forth. Our Savior himself 
said to his disciples "I have yet many things to say unto you, but ye 
cannot bear them now." He was in favor of forbearance and com- 
promise, and of choosing the right time and the right way of doing 
the right thing. But these vaporers would make themselves holier and 
wiser than Christ, Let such madness be no more indulged, and let us 



17 

Icaru, before an awful experience shall have taught us, that we cannot al- 
wa3's, in a world so imperfect as this, have the advantages of government 
or of society on a large scale, witliout permitting and yielding to many 
tilings which abstractly are not to our tastes nor according to our sense of 
right. Many of our fellow men around us entertain religious opinions 
which we consider very injurious and wrong ; but we are bound to treat 
them kindly, to protect them by tlic strong arm of the law, and give 
them the same rights which we ask for ourselves. Even some of you who 
hear me, perhaps will need something of this spirit of conciliation and 
compromise in order to feel as kind and well disposed at the close of this 
discourse as you were at the beginning. AVe ought indeed never to do 
what is plainly wrong, much less anything wrong in itself, for the sake of 
any end ; but sometimes we may permit the wrong doing of anotlier, 
when it is probable that by attempting to prevent it more harm will bo 
done in the end than good. 

I have spoken of this as a day of darkness and gloom, but I cannot 
conclude this discourse without indulging in some expressions of hope. 
Progress — gratifying progress already has been made. Ten years ago 
there were even among us very general appearances of resistance to a 
constitutional law of the land, and men were nearly ready to refuse to 
abide by one of our constitutional provisions. Now, that opposition has 
passed, and we are all ready to perform our constitutional obligations. 
So I trust it will prove at the South. I have hope that the prayers going 
up from millions of Christians for our goodly and long favored land, will 
yet be heard. I trust our sins and unreasonableness are not yet so 
great that we must be destroyed. I trust we are not incorrigibly given 
up to folly and passion. I cannot but hope that the vast evils which 
secession would cause in all parts of our country, will before long be so 
manifest, that our brethren at the South will be willing to believe 
worse evils may yet be incurred than the violence and intemjjerance of 
some of their fellow citizens at the North. I trust also we may 
somehow or other yet be convinced that there are additional and worse 
evils than the temporary continuance of slavery ; that we may learn 
more of moderation and wisdom in seeking to ameliorate and ulti- 
mately to remove it, and that upon all our people the " Sun of 
Righteousness " may arise with healing in his wings. We have doubtless 
relied too much on our strength as a nation, on our vast material resources, 
on our free institutions, our mighty rivers, our um-ivalled sea coast, our 
3 



IS 

inexhaustible soil, our abundance of mineral riches, our salubrious climate, 
our past history, our bravery and success in war, on our numerous inven- 
tions, on our unparalleled progress and prosperity, on our youth, and what 
•we call our "manifest destiny," and have forgotten owx entire dependence 
on God. But God will stain the pride of all human glory. He can 
dash us to pieces in all our pride and boasted strength as easily as we 
may dash a potter's vessel, and as He has dashed other nations stronger 
than we. Our only safety is in crying mightily unto God, and in putting 
away the evil of our thoughts and hands. If this spirit of dependence 
on God exists, and we earnestly seek to obey his commands, I doubt not 
the beautiful bow of promise will soon span the retiring thunder clouds 
which have so darkened and deformed our political sky. Let no man 
deceive us by saying as long as slavery exists at the South we never 
can be blessed and prospered. This is a miserable falsehood. So have 
I known men to say there never could be a revival of religion in a partic- 
ular place until this or that evil was removed outof the church. But the 
revival could come in spite of the evil. So with the evil of slavery. 
There is far more danger to the peace of the country, in my opinion, from 
the bad, bitter, xinseriptural temper with which the institution of slavery 
has been assailed, than from slavery itself, if it only be discussed and 
treated aright. If proper moral and scriptural means be employed, God 
will, in his own good time, remove all the evil of slavery from our coun- 
try. We need not be impatient and anxious and clamorous, as though no 
well estabhshed prosperity could reign among us until slavery is wholly 
abohshed. We are much mistaken, if we so judge. We have been 
blessed and prospered with it now for more than two hundred years, (ne- 
gro slavery having been first introduced into this country, in Virginia, in 
August, 1620, four months before the landing of the Pilgrims at Ply- 
mouth.) [Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 176.] And we may be blessed and prospered 
with it in future. It is utter fanaticism to argue that we never can have 
true peace and prosperity while any considerable evil is among us. Eng- 
land has had and has great sins and oppressions in the midst of her, yet 
she stands and prospers, and has done so for more than a thousand years, 
and will do so in time to come. Ten righteous men would have saved 
Sodom. The piety and general good judgment of millions of the British 
have hitherto saved them in spite of what has been wrong, and we may 
hope God yet may see enough for the sake of which to spare our land, 
though our sins are great. There will be sins in every human being, and 



19 

iloubtlesa nation;il sins, all tluougli the niillonnium. Party strifes, divi' 
sion of opinions, occasional indications of disorder may be expected al- 
ways to occur If all slavery were abolished to-day, they would continuo 
to be as many and as violent in future as they are now. Warm discussions 
and occasional violent agitations seem to belong indissolubly to hu- 
man society. There is no perfection this side cf heaven. 'If our general 
aim and purpose are in accordance with God's commands, and our trust is 
in the merits of his Son, wo shall be saved, though if judged strictly ac- 
cording to our works, we could not stand. By earnest prayer, by the 
spirit of conciliation and kindness and justice, we yet maybe delivered, 
and our mouths be filled with cheerful praise to God. 



